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Introduction Leftist leader, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva became president in 2002 and promised political and economic reforms and the eradication of hunger (BBC News). But, will this stand? Will he succeed in not only reforming his own country but also be able to bring Brazil together as the even bigger regional and world-wide leader that it seeks to be? Only time holds the answer. But needless to say, Brazil is already off to a very good start. This paper intends to look at Brazil's history, structure, and international relations in a few major areas, then predict Brazil's future role in international relations.
Brazil's
History/Structure During World War II, Brazil claimed its neutrality, but eventually sided with the allies (BBC News). President Juscelino Kubitschek moved the capital from Rio de Janeiro to Brasília in 1960, where it remains today. The military took power in 1964 until finally peacefully rendering to civilian rule in 1985. The 1970's spawned a new era as Brazil became the industrial power of Latin America because of its "vast natural resources and... huge labor force" (The History Channel). Foreign debt payments were stopped by both Brazil and Mexico in 1982, which were among the highest debts owed - anywhere (BBC News). In 2001, a new civil code was drafted which granted equal rights to women. On 27 October, 2002 Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva became Brazil's first leftist president - winning the elections by 61% - and was reelected for another four year term in 2006 (The History Channel). Today Brazil is comprised of twenty-six states (some of the more commonly recognized state names by non-Brazilians include: Amazonas, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo). Brazil declares Portuguese as its official language, and has a population of 188 million people (73.6% of which are Roman Catholic). It is home to two of the world's twenty current mega-cities (mega-city = population of 10 million or more): São Paulo (18.3 million) and Rio de Janeiro (11.5 million). These two cities are the 4th and 14th most populated cities in the world (United Nations). It borders every South American country except Chile and Ecuador. It is also the largest country in area in South America and 5th largest in the world. Brazil participates in well-known international organizations such as G-15, G-24, IAEA, IMF, Interpol, Mercosur, UN, UN Security Council (temporary), UNESCO, WHO, WTO and many others. The country has a 9.8% unemployment rate and 22% of Brazil's population lives below the national poverty line. Currently, 8.4% of its GDP comes from agriculture, 40% from industry and 51.6% from services (CIA World Factbook). The name of the national currency is the Real (BRL) - called Reais in the plural form. As of 26 November 2006 1.00 USD = 2.164 BRL (XE.com's Universal Currency Converter estimate). Brazil's economic industries include textiles, shoes, chemicals, cement, lumber, iron ore, steel, aircraft, motor vehicles and parts. Its Chief crops are coffee, soybeans, wheat, rice, corn, sugarcane, cocoa, and citrus. National resources include bauxite, gold, iron ore, magnesium, nickel, phosphates, platinum, tin, uranium, oil, hydropower, and timber (The History Channel). Brazil produces 2.01 million bbl/day of oil and consumes 1.61 million bbl/day. It exports 241,700 bbl/day of oil and imports 572,600 bbl/day. Export partners include The United States (19.6%), China (7.5%), Argentina (6.9%), Germany (5.3%) and Mexico (4.3%). Import partners include The United States (19.7%), Germany (8.7%), Argentina (8.2%), China (6.2%), and Nigeria (6.1%) (CIA World Factbook). By these statistics, it is apparent that the US is Brazil's major trade partner. However, The European Union proudly brags that after trade, investment and cooperation partnership are all included, the EU itself is Brazil's biggest cash-flow partner (approximately €35 (EUR) billion in 2004) - "absorbing around a quarter of Brazil's exports" (European Union). Yet the EU, of course, is a collection of countries. The United States is only one.
Brazil/US
Relations 1994 marked a new era between the two countries in the field of Science and Technology. The joint operation "Guará 94 was conducted with the launching of 33 American-manufactured sounding rockets from the Alcântara Launch Center. The transfer to Brazil of these rockets, some of which are included in the Category I of the MTCR [Missile Technology Control Regime], represented the concrete recognition by the American Government of the evolution of Brazilian policy to control the export of sensitive goods." In 1996 President Bill Clinton visited Brazil and signed an agreement between the Brazilian Space Agency and NASA. That same year, NASA formally invited Brazil to take part in the International Space Station project (Brazilian Embassy in Washington). The Brazilian Ministry of Health and the US National Institutes of Health have an active relationship by exchanging research for both medicine and public health. In an attempt to better Brazil's health efforts, the US is helping Brazil with guidelines in order for the creation of an FDA-like agency (Brazilian Embassy in Washington). In March 2006, the Brazilian Embassy in Washington DC released its newest annual Report on U.S. Trade Barriers. This report focused on a WTO Secretariat report released in November 2004 that has raised heavy concerns in Brasília. The report, entitled Trade Policy Review, stated the "average import tariff applied by the United States under Most Favored Nation... rules was 9.7% for agricultural products." Yet the November 2004 WTO report stated that for Brazil, the respective average MFN tariff rate was 10.2% for agricultural products - .5% higher for Brazil than other countries, on average (Brazilian Embassy in Washington). Aside from tariff protections, the embassy's Report on U.S. Trade Barriers sums up Brazil's major critiques of the US trade policies in three main points:
Brazil/EU
Relations The EU has a total of €80 billion invested in Brazilian stock. Brazil is the EU's 11th biggest trade partner (2004 estimate), totalling 1.8% of all EU trade worldwide. The European Union claims that "agricultural exports to the EU increased by 29% during the period of 2002-2004 on a yearly average". Total EU imports from Brazil totalled €17.9 billion in 2004 (17.1% of total) and €13.5 billion for exports from EU to Brazil (24.7% of total) (European Union). The EU also helps Brazil a great deal with economic reform, social development, and the environment. Currently, €180 million worth of projects are being conducted in Brazil between the two categories. These funds are responsible for such projects as preservation of Brazilian Tropical Forests, the fight against poverty, aiding in Brazil's maximum use of its own natural resources, and even the urban development of São Paulo (European Union).
Brazil/Japan
Relations In the 1990's, ethanol production was decreased, but lately the market has picked back up again, mainly for two reasons. The first reason is new Flex-fuel cars have hit the market (called Flex-fuel due to their flexibility to run on both gasoline and ethanol - even at the same time). The second reason is that ethanol is a less pollutant fuel source than oil (Foreign Exchange with Fareed Zakaria). Brazil is the number one producer of ethanol in the entire world. The Renewable Fuels Association reported in 2004 that Brazil produced 3989 million gallons. Next on the list was the US with 3535m, China with 964m, India with 462m, France with 219m and Russia with 198m. Financially, this sets up Brazil very well for a global export market. How does all this tie to Japan? Petrobras, the dominant oil company in Brazil - over 55% of which is owned by the government - is stretching its boundaries far outside the continent. In December 2005, Petrobras and Japanese Nippon Alcohol Hanbai joined hands in the forming of a new company: Brazil-Japan Ethanol. The two parties intend to strengthen their relations and maximize equitable gain by importing ethanol to Japan from Brazil. Petrobras Internacional Braspetro BV, a Petrobras subsidiary based in The Netherlands, represents Petrobras' interests internationally. The two companies split shares 50/50 (Petrobras). Petrobras reminds the international community that the formation its new joint company is in the best interest of the environment: "The new company will seek technical and commercial solutions to introduce ethanol in the Japanese energy matrix, substituting fossil fuels, to reduce the emissions of greenhouse effect-producing gases, such as carbon dioxide (CO2), and to contribute to the Kyoto protocol's success. In effect since February 16th, 2005, the protocol foresees the reduction of the emissions, in industrialized nations, of the six gases that cause environmental heating. It is considered the most promising of the some 200 United Nations environmental agreements" (Petrobras).
Brazil/South
American Relations Brazil's Ministry of Exterior Relations, or Ministério das Relações Exteriores - also known as Itamaraty - claims that the Mercosur is "one of the world's major poles for attracting investment" and "represents a potential market of 200 million people and an aggregate GDP of over US$1 trillion, which ranks it as one of the four major economies in the world, right after NAFTA, the European Union, and Japan". Article 34 of the Ouro Preto Protocol made the Mercosur a legal entity under international law (Ministry of Exterior Relations). All four parties of the Mercosur have the same rights and obligations. In addition, every member has the right to leave the union at any time without penalty. Although there has been talk to eventually form a common currency among member states, no plan is currently in place to develop such a currency (Ministry of Exterior Relations). Mercosur members enjoy the freedom to trade amongst one another tariff-free, but a "Common External Tariff... is applied to trade with third countries" (Ministry of Exterior Relations). Associate members of the Mercosur include Bolivia (member since 1997), Chile (since 1996), Colombia (2004), Ecuador (since 2004), Perú (since 2003), and Venezuela (since 2004) (Mercosur). In early 2006 Bolivian President Evo Morales "nationalized the energy industry and ordered the army to take control of installations and other foreign companies" (Associated Press). Brazil has a vested interest in Bolivian oil through Petrobras, its state-owned company and was, needless to say, far from impressed. During an interview with Democracy Now!, President Morales claimed that he sat down in a closed door meeting with Brazil's Lula and two other South American Presidents after the nationalization. Lula, Morales said, was very firm and offended that he was not consulted before the nationalization. Morales views Lula as an older brother. Morales claims that due to his indigenous culture, he looks up to Lula. He says this is because of Lula's background as a union leader and because indigenous culture emphasizes respect for elders. Morales went on to say that despite the nationalization, the oil companies are staying. "[Lula] understood very well because we're [Bolivia] neither expropriating nor kicking out Petrobras". The companies have begun to understand the government's perspective for making the decision and are beginning to work things out.
Global
Role In mid-1994, Brazil led a UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti. This was Brazil's "biggest foreign military deployment since the second world war". This mission involved 6,700 troops and 1600 police officers. In the 1990s, Brazil was involved with "UN missions in East Timor and Angola. In 1996, Brazil acted with Argentina and the United States to forestall a coup in Paraguay" (The Economist). For one to fully understand international relations, it is important to remember that state-actors conduct their actions from the inside out. How a state conducts its actions internationally is (among other factors) a direct reflection of its internal laws (among many others). Examining Article 4 of Brazil's 1998 Constitution helps us better understand much of the reasoning behind key aspects of Brazilian foreign policy. The article prioritizes the following core values: "national independence, non-intervention, equality among states, defense of peace, peaceful settlements of conflicts, repudiation of terrorism and racism, cooperation among peoples for the progress of mankind, and granting of political asylum: in addition, the Federative Republic of Brazil shall seek the economic, political, social and cultural integration of the peoples of Latin America, viewing the formation of a Latin American community of nations" (Brazilian Embassy in Washington). Let's look at Brazil's 2004 mission to Haiti and see how it coincides to Brazil's Constitution. On one hand, it could be argued that the mission was anti-constitutional because it required Brazil to intervene with the affairs of others - something the non-intervention core value of Article 4 strictly forbids. On the other hand, it could be argued that since the Haiti mission was a peacekeeping mission, the mission was very constitutional because Article 4 also emphasizes defense of peace and the peaceful settlement of conflicts - even possibly, the repudiation of terrorism and racism. Having these additional aspects hard wired into the Constitution allows Brazilian leaders a good bit of liberty when it comes to foreign policy. Brazil can claim neutrality when it serves its own interest (covered by its non-intervention factor) or it can deploy its military in an effort to participate in UN-type missions - therefore building its global leadership role (covered by its defense of peace, peaceful resolution of settlement of conflicts and repudiation of terrorism and racism factors). Next, let us move on from analyzing Brazil's Constitution. Let us now expand on the subject by allowing Brazilian diplomacy to speak for itself. The Brazilian Embassy in Washington outlines Brazil's foreign policy attributes on the website. The Embassy claims that Brazil's foreign policy is: "aimed at supporting the attainment of national objectives such as development, political
Nuclear
Technology "During the October inspections, IAEA officials were reportedly allowed to view pipes and valves of the centrifuges but were still restricted from viewing other centrifuge components. Inspectors then returned Nov. 16 to confirm information supplied by Brazil concerning the next steps that would be necessary to begin enrichment at the plant... A full-scale enrichment program at Resende would allow Brazil to become self-sufficient in the development of nuclear energy, relying less on foreign governments for supplies of enriched uranium to fuel its two nuclear reactors" (Arms Control Association). To further back Brazil's claim for peaceful intentions of nuclear technology is its reputation as a relatively peaceful state actor. It is true that Brazil has been involved in past wars with its neighbors over border issues, etc., but for the most part Brazil tends to take the role of the "gentle and introverted giant" (The Economist). It would seem that the international scrutiny Brazil would receive by development of nuclear weapons would not be worth the loss of its peaceful reputation. Loss of a reputation such as this could result in foreign investors afraid to invest in Brazil due to instability, the undoing of the trust Brazil has built within the UN, and even heavy internal scrutiny that the government would receive from its own citizens. This loss of reputation would result in much to lose and little to gain for the state. To justify Brazil's need for this new energy source, remember that this country's population is 188 million strong. Nuclear energy is not the only alternate source of power that Brazil pursues. Even to power its automobiles, the country is shifting to the use of ethanol. With instabilities in the relations with Bolivia, where Brazil gets much of its oil, it seems that the search for alternative sources of energy is definitely in the state's best interest.
Conclusion Brazil is stuck between traditions of the past and the higher aspirations it has for itself. Critics always look to those with the ability to stop atrocities such as genocide, starvation or terrorism to step up to the plate and take a stand - just as much of the West, particularly the United States and Western Europe are heavily critiqued for not putting a stop to problems such as starvation, genocide, and HIV in Africa. Being a leader means accepting these responsibilities and many times, the criticisms that come along with the job. As Brazil continues to push for its economic expansion and greater roles within the United Nations, GOs and NGOs, the responsibilities and critiques grow more and more. Of all the aspects that affect Brazil's international affairs, one of the most common reoccurring visible trends is the use of peaceful means in which the country accomplishes its tasks internationally (at least in the past two decades). Brazil has serious critiques of the way the United States conducts trade, yet Brazil uses peaceful and legal channels to make formal complaints of these policies. The same can be said for Brazil's practice of trade and business relations with the EU and Japan. The nationalization of the energy industry in Bolivia greatly offended Lula and even Brazil as a whole, yet Brazil once again proved itself responsible enough to play by the rules of democracy as it showed patience of Bolivia's internal politics, which unfortunately, set back Brazil economically. Although Brazil used the UN mission in Haiti in 2004 as an opportunity to prove to the world its ability to act as a global leader, one thing was on Brazil's mind: the preservation of peace. Through the Mercosur/Mercosul, Brazil and its neighbors use peaceful means to improve their own relations, equitable gain, and quality of life for their citizens. And as this nation continues its use and development of nuclear technology, it chooses to stay away from the development of nuclear weapons - once again reaffirming its stance as a peaceful state actor. Will the Brazil be able to use its role in organizations such as the Mercosur and the UN to grow into an even greater giant? And, if so, what difficulties will it have as it struggles between its past international role and the new role it has lined out for itself in the future? Even if Brazil is able to grow to be the greater giant it wishes to be, will Brazil's immense foreign debt and trade tariffs on key competitive export markets be responsible for a significant stunt of its growth? Only time will tell.
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